Por Juan Carlos Pinto Quintanilla

Se ha cerrado una etapa más que nos acerca al proceso electoral  de autoridades subnacionales a realizarse el próximo 7 de Marzo con la entrega de las listas de candidatos tanto a municipios como a gobernaciones en todos los departamentos del país. Toda la etapa previa ha estado plagada de elementos que hacen a la Democracia y  a su reflexión para profundizar la deliberación sobre lo que estamos construyendo como país.

Ya no nos sorprende ver que la movilización ciudadana para las elecciones subnacionales se incremente, que la participación local se haga más visible y que en definitiva las decisiones populares pinten el mapa político del país con la pluridiversidad que somos. Desde hace algunas elecciones, la pugna democrática se hace todavía más intensa que las elecciones nacionales, por cuanto los niveles de democratización llegan a los lugares más cercanos al ciudadano como son sus municipios, en los que tendrán una labor directa sobre el buen vivir de la ciudadanía local. Además los candidatos en su gran mayoría son conocidos y reconocidos localmente incluso por sobre la representación política que ostentan a veces circunstancialmente. Posiblemente algunos candidatos sean amigos, vecinos o parientes de algunos, lo que hace esta contienda electoral mucho más afectiva y de mayores expectativas locales para la vida de la gente.

También la política se ha movido en ese camino, pues si bien en las elecciones nacionales se eligen diputados uninominales o bien candidatos conocidos circunstancialmente; las elecciones se mueven a través de partidos que normalmente tienen representación nacional. En cambio en las elecciones subnacionales,  además de los partidos (donde el MAS es la única organización política con representación en todos los municipios del país), participan un sinnúmero de Agrupaciones Ciudadanas que se generan a nivel local en torno a un liderazgo, una consigna ciudadana local o bien el desprendimiento de la fracción de un partido, ocurrido por no estar de acuerdo con nombramientos o decisiones (en realidad el propio MAS es el mayor ejemplo histórico).

Por eso las causas fundamentales que explican que en las pasadas elecciones el MAS obtuviera sorpresivamente el 55,10%, y la recuperación plena de la Democracia frente al golpismo y la maquinaria política partidaria antimasista; se encuentran en el frente común más allá del propio MAS que formalmente representaba la posibilidad de que el proceso de cambio continúe bajo nuevas condiciones y nuevos aprendizajes. Es por eso que este segundo escalón democrático, juega con sus propias reglas pero además con todo un aprendizaje popular sobre la necesidad de una mayor democratización en el país y en sus propias organizaciones.

La etapa preelectoral ha concentrado todo este movimiento democratizador que luego de un año de golpismo, buscaba expresarse en las elecciones y decisiones a tomarse orgánicamente, tanto en partidos como en organizaciones sociales. No se puede decir mucho sobre el abanico de partidos antimasistas que participan y que en definitiva tienen todos dueños de partido o cúpulas que eligen e invitan a sus candidatos, pues en su mayoría carecen de militancia. Aun así partidos como Demócratas en Santa Cruz o Sol. Bo de La Paz, tuvieron escisiones cupulares por desacuerdos  no compartidos. Pero el caso emblemático es el propio MAS, que no solo contó con un apoyo popular mayoritario que le dio el gobierno nacional y más del 50% de la Asamblea en las elecciones nacionales, sino con una militancia activa y movilizada a lo largo del país, y que rápidamente se puso en campaña para elegir a sus candidatos y representantes, inmediatamente después de la victoria nacional.

El propio Evo con su retorno del exilio obligado por los golpistas, asumió la dirección del MAS-IPSP, con el mandato de contribuir a la reorganización del instrumento, y a la elección de los candidatos en cada departamento y municipio del país. A nivel rural y de municipios intermedios se realizaron asambleas, encuentros y reuniones de consenso para avalar las candidaturas elegidas con la base y dieron muchas luces sobre el nuevo momento democrático que se vive con la irrupción popular. Las dificultades empezaron cuando se debía elegir a los representantes a las Gobernaciones y de los municipios de las principales ciudades del país.

Para llegar a este momento, el MAS-IPSP atropellado por los acontecimientos, no realizó las reflexiones autocríticas que le permitirían marcar o deliberar el horizonte político por el que lucha, en consecuencia, no se renovaron direcciones políticas ni de las propias organizaciones sociales; así como tampoco se definieron nuevos sentidos más democráticos en la toma de decisiones, que alejaran comportamientos políticos cupulares, que en los últimos años, se acercan a parecerse cada vez más a la versión criticada de los partidos con dueños y decisores de la línea política y de sus representantes.

Sin embargo en el nuevo contexto, las decisiones de las direcciones departamentales y nacional del MAS junto a Evo, se movieron claramente en el basismo como respeto a los espacios de decisión a nivel rural y como eje central a las organizaciones sociales que tienen una red orgánica y de control social sobre las decisiones. Sin embargo en las ciudades y particularmente con las gobernaciones tropezaron con varias complicaciones que se arrastran de dinámicas políticas anteriores, y sustentadas por dirigentes que buscan sacar provecho particular en su calidad de bisagra entre sus organizaciones y la institucionalidad estatal y del propio instrumento. Dirigentes que otorgan avales a candidatos a cambio de recursos económicos de usufructo personal, dirigentes que aseguran y acomodan a conocidos o parientes en lugares expectables de elección para tener resortes en el aparato estatal. Otros que a nombre del MAS han extorsionado o bien sobornado a otros dirigentes para lograr su apoyo y aparentar apoyo popular para ser candidatos (el caso de El Alto es penosamente representativo con el ex alcalde Patana). También esta condición puso de manifiesto que si bien el MAS tiene en las organizaciones rurales un soporte fundamental, en las ciudades  no logró conformar una forma organizativa que cuente con un proceso organizativo y de control social que sustente la democratización interna de las decisiones.

Esta estructura maltrecha es la que sostiene el mayor instrumento político que ha tenido el país, así como el más exitoso electoral y políticamente porque esta sostenido por las organizaciones sociales Indígena Originaria Campesinas. El divorcio entre cúpulas políticas del Instrumento con las organizaciones sociales de base, hacen al conflicto de la Democracia posible; porque el proceder muchas veces marcada por el sindicalismo de camarillas ha generado que las decisiones se vayan centralizando, en lugar de que en este proceso de cambio se abran a una mayor democratización. En ese contexto el poder formal (del MAS) subordina al real (de las organizaciones sociales), cuando no acata las decisiones tomadas en asambleas populares y pretenden que dichas organizaciones se vuelvan a subordinar a un poder superior que aunque popular, sigue imponiendo decisiones transgrediendo la esencia revolucionaria del proceso de cambio.

En ese camino ocurren los conflictos sobre los candidatos en Potosí, que impuestos a dedazo por sobre la decisión de las organizaciones sociales del Norte de Potosí, dejaron a las organizaciones el camino de presentarse a elecciones mediante una agrupación política, con sus candidatos propios y en alianza con otros. Es el caso de Tarija donde el candidato institucional, finalmente fue impuesto a pesar de las movilizaciones y protestas; pero donde el candidato popular termino aceptando por disciplina política, para seguir la lucha que es más grande que una candidatura. O el de la ratificación del candidato a la gobernación del Beni, cuando la democratización era exigida por las bases sociales así como la renovación posible. Existen otros casos como el de Santa Cruz donde de manera salomónica se buscó consensuar la participación de los candidatos, asumiendo que la verdadera batalla era por los concejales y asambleístas que representan regiones, organizaciones y grupos que serán parte del esquema de poder local luego de las elecciones.

Pero quizás el más emblemático y complicado es el que  ha ocurrido en el departamento de La Paz cuando la dirección del MAS junto a la regional de El Alto, decidieron nombrar candidato a Zacarías Maquera (Rutuqui), por sobre las candidaturas de Wilma Alanoca y Eva Copa. Esta última asumía plenamente su candidatura por el MAS, resultado de su labor en el Senado en la etapa golpista y que se empeñó en resaltar, pero además desde la Vicepresidencia del Estado desde donde a lo largo del año realizó su propia campaña de promoción en diversos espacios y con diversos sectores alteños. Aparentemente había sumado adhesiones, apoyada además en el aparato político del ex alcalde Patana (preso por corrupción y promotor de la candidatura de Eva al Senado) y ex dirigentes de la FEJUVE expulsados por corrupción.

Además, y eso es muy importante, bajo la figura creada con la opinión pública como alteña, joven y valiente en tanto estuvo presente como autoridad del Senado  en equilibrio con el Ejecutivo golpista, y que se convirtió en el capital simbólico de su candidatura. Sin embargo no fue elegida por el instrumento, porque se hizo evidente que Copa basada en su propio liderazgo iría con cualquier representación política, como lo hizo a continuación al aliarse con JALLALLA BOLIVIA para participar en las elecciones. En esa condición generada ya desde diciembre del 2019, después del golpe de Estado, Eva fue convertida rápidamente en el ícono de la paz y la democracia por parte de políticos y medios comunicacionales de la oposición, que han visto en ella, la oportunidad del quiebre desde la izquierda del liderazgo de Evo Morales y del Propio MAS, por cuanto desde la derecha y de manera externa y confrontacional no pudieron lograrlo.

Ahora bien, caminando por esta experiencia intensa que nos ha tocado vivir desde las elecciones nacionales, tenemos que reflexionar sobre los cambios ocurridos y en la perspectiva popular en construcción que con el MAS y más allá del MAS sigue transcurriendo. Si asumiéramos que el basismo como mandato de las bases es la regla democrática, encontramos que eso funciona en las organizaciones matrices que tienen organizaciones de base, que discuten y deliberan, luego deciden y finalmente controlan la ejecución de sus decisiones con el control social. El retorno a esta condición es un triunfo democrático interno en esta coyuntura. Sin embargo en las otras condiciones societales, principalmente urbanas, es que encontramos que el basismo para algunos se ha convertido en la posibilidad de comprar dirigentes para avales, de corromper conciencias para generar amarres y de sumar gente para apalancar ambiciones personales.

En contraste el llamado dedazo, que supuestamente decide sobre las mejores opciones desde el instrumento y el liderazgo, demasiadas veces nos ha impuesto invitados sin base ni convicción política, pero supuestamente potables electoralmente. En otras el dedazo del círculo político, ha tomado decisiones sobre los candidatos en base a opiniones de ministros responsables de campaña (en el anterior periodo), o bien afinidades, simpatías, incluso recursos para campaña o bien niveles de “coordinación” para jugar el papel de engranaje con el aparato político y estatal.

En definitiva esta coyuntura democrática, nos da elementos para reflexionar sobre el Poder Popular, que debe ser construido tomando en cuenta fundamentalmente la Formación Política, el amplio debate ideológico y el control social. Solo de esta manera podemos construir bases que tengan posición política y ética revolucionaria, para ser protagonistas, controlar a sus representantes y barrer a los oportunistas que solo caminan por intereses individuales. Pero también a las direcciones que además tomen en cuenta esos principios, puedan promover esa condición interna en el Instrumento para tener cuadros revolucionarios y un pueblo atento a ser protagonista siempre; entonces el dedazo no existirá, y sí la deliberación y la línea política de discusión con propuesta. Necesitamos cualificar nuestra política intercultural y revolucionaria para sumar la línea política revolucionaria a la decisión de las bases, que priorice el horizonte político para luego definir quienes lo representan mejor ética y políticamente en las luchas revolucionarias, y en las elecciones como parte de ellas.

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